Parental leave
Summary
Parental leave* isn’t equal. Around the world, the person labeled the 'primary caregiver' — usually the mother — gets, on average, more than five months more leave than the 'secondary caregiver'. This gap reinforces traditional gender roles, where mothers are expected to stay home and care for the child, while fathers are expected to return to work and provide financially.
*See Notes for disclaimers about the scope of this entry.
Impacts on primary caregivers
Unequal parental leave provisions have far-reaching impacts on the primary caregiver; typically the mother, or person giving birth.
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On average, women perform around three times more unpaid care work per day than men, leading to significant disadvantages in the labour market. Unequal parental leave provisions reinforce this imbalance by formalising caregiving as “women’s work,” limiting fathers’ involvement from the start.
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Globally, an estimated 708 million women of working age were unable to engage in employment due to caregiving responsibilities in 2023, compared to 40 million men. This not only widens the existing gender pay gap, but also reduces women’s long-term career progression, retirement savings, and economic independence.
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Research also shows that long or exclusive maternity leave can unintentionally increase the “motherhood penalty,” as employers perceive mothers as less committed or available for work. In contrast, when fathers take leave, it helps normalise caregiving as a shared responsibility and reduce gendered expectations.
Impacts on secondary caregivers
Unequal parental leave provisions also affect secondary caregivers — most often fathers or non-birthing parents — in significant ways.
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When leave for secondary caregivers is short, poorly paid, or discouraged by workplace culture, it limits their opportunity to bond with their child and share early caregiving responsibilities.
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Fathers who take parental leave are more likely to remain actively involved in childcare and housework later on, helping to create a more equal division of labour in the long term.
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In many contexts, fathers face stigma or career penalties for taking leave, with research showing small but measurable reductions in earnings (around 1–3%). This discourages fathers from using leave even when it is available.
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When fathers or secondary caregivers do take leave or have access to flexible work, it improves family wellbeing overall—reducing stress, improving mothers’ postpartum health, and supporting healthier relationships between partners.
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Finally, the very language of “secondary caregiver” can reinforce the idea that fathers’ caregiving is optional rather than essential, making it harder to challenge traditional gender norms around work and care.
Did you know?
Only nine countries have mandatory paternity leave: Chile, the Islamic Republic of Iran, Italy, Luxembourg, Paraguay, Singapore and Suriname. In France, Portugal, and Spain, a portion of the paternity leave provision is mandatory.
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There is no single or universal way to form a family or raise a child. This summary primarily discusses parental leave disparities in the context of heterosexual, two-parent households — it does not explore the additional complexities and inequities that may arise in other family structures (such as single-parent, same-sex, or trans-parent families). This is not to say that gendered issues do not affect these parents; in many cases, they are intensified by existing social and legal frameworks.
Parental leave policies vary significantly around the world, and many countries still lack adequate provisions for women — let alone equitable or inclusive policies for fathers, non-binary parents, or adoptive parents. This article focuses on gender disparities where formal parental leave schemes exist; it does not address the broader struggle for universal access to sufficient paid leave.
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It is difficult to add in-text citations in this format. If you have questions about a particular source or data point, please submit a source request, and I will get back to you with in-text citations.
International Labour Organization. Closing the Gender Gap in Paid Parental Leaves. Geneva: ILO, 2025.
André, Stéfanie., Nola Cammu, and Eline Meuleman. “Fathers, Families, and Society: A Two-Decade Systematic Literature Review on the Contexts and Consequences of Paternity and Parental Leave for Fathers.” Social Sciences 14, no. 3 (2025): 168.
Yang, Tony Y., Sherrie Flynt Wallington, Stephanie Morain. “Paid Leave for Fathers: Policy, Practice, and Reform.” The Milbank Quarterly 100, no. 4 (2022): 973-990.
Rege, Mari., and Ingeborg F. Solli. “The Impact of Paternity Leave on Fathers’ Future Earnings.” Demography 50, no. 6 (2013): 2255-2277.
Persson, Petra., Maya Rossin-Slater. “When Dad Can Stay Home: Fathers’ Workplace Flexibility and Maternal Health.” American Economic Journal: Applied Economics 16, no. 4 (2024): 186-219.
Lewington, Lily., Bernadette Sebar, Jessica Lee. “‘The Other Parent’: A Critical Policy Analysis of Fatherhood Discourses in the Australian Government's Paid Parental Leave Scheme” Australian Journal of Social Issues (2025): 1-16. Accessed October 18, 2025.
Bari, Lauren. Gendered Divergence in the Impact of Parenthood on Wages: The Role of Family Size, Human Capital and Working Time. Journal of Family and Economic Issues 45 (2024): 546–561.
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A study from the UK showed, amongst other things, that among mothers working full-time prior to childbirth, a majority either stop working or move to part-time work after 3 years. Only 31% work full-time after 5 years. The study is linked below.
Harkness, Susan E., Magda Borkowska, and Alina Pelikh. Employment Pathways and Occupational Change After Childbirth. Government Equalities Office, October 22, 2019.
Published 19 October 2025